The United States-China trade relationship has been the central axis of global economic policy since the Trump administration's first tariff actions in 2018. Through two administrations and a global pandemic, tariffs, export controls, and investment restrictions have accumulated into a significant restructuring of the world's most important bilateral trade relationship. Eight years into this confrontation, a clearer picture has emerged of what trade war actually does, who pays for it, and what it has and hasn't accomplished.
The economic question of who pays tariffs — the country that imposes them or the country that exports the goods — is one of the most politically contested and economically settled questions in trade policy. The academic consensus, supported by multiple studies of the Trump-era tariffs including research published in the Journal of International Economics and the American Economic Review, is that the cost of tariffs on imported goods is primarily borne by domestic importers and consumers rather than by foreign exporters.
A 2019 National Bureau of Economic Research paper by Amiti, Redding, and Weinstein found that US tariffs on Chinese goods resulted in Chinese exporters lowering their prices by approximately 2% while US import prices increased by approximately 20% — meaning US importers and consumers absorbed approximately 90% of the tariff cost. The Federal Reserve estimated that the 2018-2019 tariffs cost the average American household approximately $831 annually in higher prices. These findings are consistent across multiple independent research teams and methodologies.
The political narrative that tariffs "make China pay" is inconsistent with these findings. What tariffs do accomplish — reducing imports of targeted goods, potentially protecting specific domestic industries, and serving as leverage in trade negotiations — is real but different from the popular description of their mechanism.
The US-China trade relationship has changed substantially since 2018, though not always in the directions intended by policy. US imports from China did decline as a percentage of total US imports from 2018 onward. However, this was largely offset by increased imports from Vietnam, Mexico, India, and other countries — some of which serve as transshipment points for Chinese goods assembled or finished elsewhere. The bilateral US trade deficit with China decreased while the overall US trade deficit increased, as imports from other sources filled the gap.
The more significant and lasting change is in technology and strategic goods. Export controls on advanced semiconductors (the October 2022 BIS rules and subsequent expansions) represent a qualitatively different policy — restricting US technology from reaching Chinese companies rather than taxing trade. These controls have had documented effects on Chinese AI and semiconductor development timelines and have prompted a significant Chinese government investment in domestic semiconductor manufacturing that would not have occurred at this pace without the restrictions.
The trade war, amplified by COVID-19 supply chain disruptions, has accelerated what economists call friend-shoring or near-shoring — shifting production from China to countries with closer political alignment or geographic proximity to the United States. Vietnam, India, Mexico, and Taiwan have all received significant manufacturing investment previously directed to China. This restructuring is real and ongoing, though slower and more partial than the political rhetoric around "decoupling" suggests. China remains deeply embedded in global supply chains in ways that make rapid separation practically impossible for most industries.
Honest Bottom Line: Academic research consistently finds that US tariffs on Chinese goods are paid primarily by US importers and consumers, not by China — the average American household paid approximately $831 more annually during peak tariff periods. US-China bilateral trade has shifted but overall US trade deficits haven't declined because other countries filled the gap. Technology export controls have had more significant effects on Chinese strategic capabilities than tariffs. Supply chain restructuring toward Vietnam, India, and Mexico is real but slower than "decoupling" rhetoric implies.

Victoria Lane is an international affairs journalist with 13 years of experience covering geopolitics, global economics, and social issues across 30+ countries. She has reported from conflict zones, emerging markets, and...